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In recent years knowledge has been brought forward as an important political issue both in the EU and in Sweden. It is said to be of the uttermost importance not just for education but for society as a whole. As a result of increased globalization and a European striving for economic growth, knowledge has come to be associated with both individual and national competitiveness, and education and learning in schools and workplaces have become a political priority. In this global competition the EU has become an important policy actor in the educational field trying to create a common European education policy field. Despite this development, only a limited number of reports relating the European arena to Swedish educational reforms have been published. Against this background the aim of this thesis is to deepen the understanding of the knowledge discourses which struggle for legitimacy in Swedish and European education policy and how these discourses relate to each other and change over time. The empirical material consists of a number of fundamental official policy texts produced by the EU and the Swedish state. The study takes its theoretical point of departure in critical discourse analysis using an analytical grid where production, content and communication are seen as three aspects constituting every knowledge discourse. The result shows a process of silent Europeanization in Swedish school reform where European knowledge discourse is being re-contextualised and in many cases re-interpreted without any declaration in terms of explicit references. It also confirms the general trend towards increased focus on learning outcomes and demands for measurability. Furthermore, the result shows how competition rhetoric dominating the EU contributes to an increased sense of crisis in both European and Swedish educational reforms. As a result of this crisis rhetoric the study shows how the proactive reform-perspective is being replaced by a retrospective where solving already existing problems replaces the planning of an ...

ABSTRACT European educational policy on lifelong learning has undergone great changes during the last three decades to become a highly complex phenomenon with several internal and external actors involved. The discourse of lifelong learning has undergone great changes, from its initial engagement when it was a matter of social and humanitarian issues as outlined in the early documents of UNESCO, to emphasising lifelong learning as a moral and individual obligation in a more competitive and market-oriented language. In a European context this language of competition to a large extent derives from the vocabulary set out by the Lisbon strategy where competition is a key theme. A policy trajectory that has taken the discourse from an initial phase of great social visions to a second phase focusing on the need for self-regulated and morally responsible citizens. Recent research on the topic indicates that we are now standing at the threshold of a discursive shift where action instead of visions is at stake. Against this background I would like to ask if there is evidence enough to suggest that European policy on lifelong learning is now experiencing a discursive shift into what could be described as a new phase? And if so, how could such a shift be described and what are the implications at an individual level? I take my theoretical point of departure in Habermas`s theory of communicative action using as analytic tools his concept of system and life-world as representations of different rationalities. I use critical discourse analysis as a methodological framework in order to understand how the rationalities bound to the concepts of system and life-world become visible through different actors and actions in the policy discourse of lifelong learning. A number of research reports and policy documents on lifelong learning recently published within the European Union have been read and analysed. The analysis of the empirical material points to a direction where it is relevant to speak about a new "phase" of lifelong-learning discourse emerging in European policy, characterised by the urgent need for implementation. In this paper a tentative conceptual framework is presented as to how this new, action-oriented "phase" can be understood. The policy trajectory of lifelong learning is not to be understood here as a linear development where one phase follows another in a well-defined manner. Instead it is seen as an ongoing discursive struggle where different concepts over time replace each other as fundamental for the discourse and its actors in the new phase represented by concepts such as "crisis" and "implementation".

ABSTRACT In the last decade social inclusion together with lifelong learning have emerged as strong policy-leading concepts within the European Union. In order to enhance social inclusion, extensive investments in lifelong learning have been made. At the same time, the discourse of lifelong learning has become more individualized and market-oriented. Research shows how the individual learner has difficulties in managing the situation, as an increasing amount of responsibility in fulfilling the goals of the European Commission is placed upon the learning subject, rather than the state. The basic aim of the study is to discern what different approaches of inclusion/exclusion are to be found within discourses about lifelong learning in educational research accessible in the database ERIC. This article takes its theoretical point of departure in the Foucauldian notion of governmentality, focusing on how power operates in processes of objectification and subjection in order to increase the capacity of the population. Based upon the articles examined, I argue that both social inclusion and lifelong learning as positive and unproblematic policy-concepts need to be questioned and further problemized. Instead of looking at lifelong learning as one formal and normal solution for all, the result emphasizes the need for variety and diversity in policy-directives and increased sensitivity to the complex situation of those identified as the others.

This chapter examines the use of evidence in legitimating national school reforms in a globalized context. Although international policy knowledge is becoming increasingly important in legitimating national school reforms, the national context still seems to affect whether and how it is used. This chapter draws attention to the selective use of international policy knowledge in domestic policy agendas and the increasingly important role of people and institutions acting as intermediaries in selecting, interpreting, and presenting useful policy knowledge to politicians. By taking the complexity of context seriously, this chapter provides valuable insights into the multidirectional policy process that filters the expert knowledge that is ultimately used by politicians as evidence in legitimating school reforms.

In this article, we analyse key policy documents on teacher quality produced by the OECD andthe EU during the period 2005 to 2017 using an educational connoisseurship and criticismapproach. The purpose of this article is to explore how Eisner's concepts of educational connoisseurshipand educational criticism can be understood and used to analyse educational policy,especially how teacher quality is discursively constructed in transnational authoritative texts oneducation policy. Eisner's three aspects of criticism, description, interpretation and evaluation canbe utilised in a differentiated critical approach to the analysis of transnational policy documentson education. While the critical descriptive discourse can be viewed as 'identifying a simplerelationship' between social development and educational needs, the interpretative critical discoursecan be regarded as 'recognising the complexity' of teachers' tasks in changing societies andthe critical evaluative discourse as 'recognising and problematising contradictory interests' thataffect teachers' work. We argue that the philosophical concepts of connoisseurship and criticismcontribute to policy research by demonstrating that a multifaceted concept of teacher quality isneeded to capture the complex nature of education.

In this article, we use the basic concepts of Dewey's pedagogical philosophy on democracy and education as analytical tools for exploring the democratic potential of a transnational education policy within the contemporary European risk discourse. A Deweyan reading of main policy documents, starting with the 2000 Lisbon Strategy, allows for critical discussion of some of the basic assumptions and consequences of the EU-advocated transnational education policy. The data sources include 28 EU policy documents from 2000 to 2014. The analysis shows that in addition to a prevailing "human capital" discourse, there is potential for a communicative "democratic discourse" that promotes social cohesion. The democratic discourse underlines the full and free communication between different groups as the only way to promote and ensure the conditions for social cohesion. In this crisis of nearby wars, terror attacks and refugees in Europe, economy and competition are not viable concepts for seeking solutions. We argue that a shift to a language adapted to the real crisis and the fear of future crises in Europe is needed. We argue that a language that understands social efficiency, communication and a moral interest in the way Dewey outlined the concepts in Democracy and Educationcorresponds to the strong need to maintain and strengthen a democratic education and a democratic way of living for all.

This chapter focuses on government-appointed advisory commissions in Norway and Sweden and investigates how and to what extent their respective governments use the evidence produced in these commissions for education policymaking. Drawing on the concepts of network governance and multi-centric policymaking, it compares reference patterns (a) between Green Papers (GPs) and White Papers (WPs) and (b) between Norwegian and Swedish GPs. The results show that the WPs produced by the ministries share strikingly few references with the GPs produced by their appointed commissions. An in-depth analysis of the references which "made" it to the political level demonstrates how knowledge gets lost, rebalanced, or reinterpreted in the policy process. This chapter situates the findings within discussions on the changing role of advisory commissions in today's policymaking.

Phosphorus has been identified as a critical element by the European Union and recycling efforts are increasingly common. An important phosphorus-containing waste stream for recycling is municipal sewage sludge (MSS), which is used directly as fertilizer to farmland. However, it contains pollutants such as heavy metals, pharmaceutical residues, polychlorinated bi-phenyls (PCBs) and nano-plastics. The interest in combustion of MSS is continuously growing, as it both reduces the volume as well as destroys the organic materials and could separate certain heavy metals from the produced ashes. This results in ashes with a potential for either direct use as fertilizer or as a suitable feedstock for upgrading processes. The aim of this study was to investigate co-combustion of MSS and biomass to create a phosphorus-rich bottom ash with a low heavy metal content. A laboratory-scale fixed-bed reactor in addition to an 8 MWth grate-boiler was used for the experimental work. The concentration of phosphorus and selected heavy metals in the bottom ashes were compared to European Union regulation on fertilizers, ash application to Swedish forests and Swedish regulations on sewage sludge application to farmland. Element concentrations were determined by ICP-AES complemented by analysis of spatial distribution with SEM-EDS and XRD analysis to determine crystalline compounds. The results show that most of the phosphorus was retained in the bottom ash, corresponding to 9-16 wt.% P2O5, while the concentration of cadmium, mercury, lead and zinc was below the limits of the regulations. However, copper, chromium and nickel concentrations exceeded these standards.